Banyamulenge need physical protection, equal citizenship, and dignity

An Open Letter to Christopher Smith

Dear Congressman Smith,

For approximately four consecutive years, the United States Senate has called on the State Department to prioritise the protection of the Banyamulenge and to address their situation as an urgent human rights concern. The Department of State, Foreign Operations, and related programs Appropriations Bill, 2025 states that

The Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Committee is aware of continuing atrocities committed against certain ethnic groups in the DRC, including the Banyamulenge. Regional armed groups and militias have taken hundreds of lives and destroyed the livelihoods of these DRC citizens, causing the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Banyamulenge. The Committee urges the Secretary of State to respond to and address these atrocities, including by sanctioning responsible individuals and engaging with regional officials.[1]

My name is Delphin Ntanyoma, and much of my academic and policy research has examined the historical and contemporary vulnerabilities of the Banyamulenge community.[2] In my personal capacity as a Congolese researcher who has studied the dynamics of micro-level violence, identity, and minority persecution in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), I’m writing this open letter to commend and appreciate your commitment and engagement to bring peace in the DRC and hold perpetrators of violence accountable.

I listened carefully to your recent exchange with Hariana Veras regarding the Banyamulenge and Congolese Tutsi. When Hariana asked “Have you ever received anything [intel]? In your response, you noted that you had received “Not much. Not compared to, you know, who is doing the aggression.” It is precisely this informational gap that compels me to write this letter.

Foremost, the Banyamulenge are Congolese citizens, predominantly residing in the highlands of South Kivu, particularly in Minembwe and surrounding areas. Despite generations of rooted presence in the DRC, they are still portrayed as “foreigners,” a narrative that fuels discrimination, political exclusion, and cycles of organized violence.

My research and that of many scholars have documented how identity-based stigmatisation has evolved into systematic targeting of the Banyamulenge: forced displacement, burning of villages, systematic destruction of cattle and livestock, the killings of civilians and unarmed soldiers’ members of the Congolese armed forces, and imposed humanitarian blockade.

Dear Congressman Smith,

As an ethnic community, recent experiences show that Banyamulenge are being slowly wiped out on the Congolese map. Since 2017, armed groups operating in South Kivu have repeatedly attacked Banyamulenge settlements. Local sources, human rights organisations and researchers indicate patterns of destruction that disproportionately affect this minority community. Thousands have been forced into makeshift displacement sites, deprived of adequate shelter, education, healthcare, and security. Historically, this is not incidental; rather, it reflects sustained vulnerability tied to ethnic identity perceived as “invaders”.

A particularly dangerous dynamic is the recurrent tendency to conflate the Banyamulenge population with the government of Rwanda or with armed movements such as March 23 Movement. This association is made in political rhetoric, media commentary, and local mobilization narratives. It collectively assigns responsibility for regional geopolitical tensions to an entire civilian community. The association of Banyamulenge civilians with Rwanda and M23 disregards the fact that members of this community have been subjected to attacks even when Banyamulenge political and military elite have largely dissociated with Rwanda’s interventions in the DRC.

The events of 2017 revealed how regional actors, including Rwanda, have been alleged to resort to pretextual protection by instrumentalizing insecurity affecting a community and using that situation to justify military involvement in the DRC. Association the Banyamulenge with Rwanda and M23 exposes ordinary Banyamulenge men, women, and children to retaliation for actions over which they have no control at all. Such collective labelling fuels fear, resentment and legitimises violence that in essence is grounded on beliefs that “invaders” Banyamulenge should leave the DRC. In addition, it reinforces the false premise that Congolese citizenship is conditional for certain ethnic groups.

Dear Congressman Smith,

Recognizing the persecution of Banyamulenge civilians does not remit any responsibility of countries’ leaders nor armed actors. Acknowledging this historical marginalisation does not validate any external interference in Congolese affairs. On the contrary, separating civilians from armed groups is essential for principled accountability. The protection of minorities depends on resisting narratives that equate an ethnic community with insurgency or foreign allegiance.

In policy debates and in front of powerful actors, community voices remain unheard and this makes minority persecution overshadowed. The geopolitical lens risks where countries are seeking the interest of the rulers render certain victims invisible. That one of the reasons thar the suffering of Banyamulenge civilians is under-documented or dismissed and hence deepens their marginalization.

You rightly emphasized that “delay is denial” for those facing imminent harm. That moral clarity must apply for all victims of atrocities committed in the DRC. A comprehensive human rights approach in the Great Lakes region requires impartial scrutiny of all abuses—whether perpetrated by Congolese armed groups, foreign-backed elements, or state actors. Recognizing violence against the Banyamulenge strengthens the credibility of U.S. human rights advocacy by ensuring consistency and rejecting collective blame.

Dear Congressman Smith,

I respectfully encourage you to seek detailed briefings from different stakeholders and organisations that have been operating in South Kivu. There are researchers who have invested in researching the protection of minority communities in South Kivu. The United States is known for having sheltered hundreds of Banyamulenge families who fled persecution in 1996, 1998 and 2004. Communities’ voices can contribute to enlighten the Congress. Hearings would benefit from testimony reflecting the full complexity of violence affecting all civilian populations, including the Banyamulenge. The U.S. Congress has both the authority and the institutional mechanisms to commission on-the-ground investigations into the situation in Minembwe. Evidence-based engagement will prevent oversimplified narratives and ensure policymaking that reflects the lived realities of vulnerable communities.

The Democratic Republic of Congo bears the primary responsibility to protect all its citizens, including the Banyamulenge. Yet there are compelling reasons to conclude that this obligation has not been adequately fulfilled. For years, Banyamulenge communities have faced insecurity, displacement, and targeted violence without consistent or effective state protection.

At the same time, regional dynamics have further complicated Banyamulenge’s vulnerability. Rwanda’s involvement in eastern DRC has often been linked to broader geopolitical and economic interests. Recent developments suggest that, within the context of regional rivalries in the African Great Lakes region, regional actors have operated in ways that have also endangered Banyamulenge civilians and pretend later to protect them. Today, both Rwanda and the rebel group M23 invoke the Banyamulenge situation in advancing their strategic narratives and territorial ambitions in South Kivu.

Dear Congressman Smith,

Banyamulenge civilians neither invited foreign intervention nor aligned themselves collectively with armed rebellions. Yet they continue to endure violence, displacement, and persecution. What they seek is neither militarisation nor political instrumentalisation, but physical protection, equal citizenship, and dignity.

A sustainable and long-term stabilisation of DRC must take these realities into account and ensure that persecuted minorities are not trapped in the crossfire of regional power struggles. I remain available for further insights.

Yours respectfully,

Delphin R. Ntanyoma

Twitter: https://x.com/Delphino12

Blog: https://easterncongotribune.com/

[1] See the appropriations bill (page 83 ) on the following link: https://www.congress.gov/committee-report/118th-congress/senate-report/200

[2] See for instance Behind the Scenes of the Banyamulenge military (https://www.harmatheque.com/ebook/behind-the-scenes-of-the–banyamulenge-military–momentum–myth-and-extinction-64123); Under the Shadow of Violence (https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13642987.2025.2453663);  Expressive Violence and Slow Genocide of the Banyamulenge (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/14687968211009895); The Banyamulenge: how a minority ethnic group in the DRC became the target of rebels – and its own government (https://theconversation.com/the-banyamulenge-how-a-minority-ethnic-group-in-the-drc-became-the-target-of-rebels-and-its-own-government-201099)…